2014.10.30 【英译中】我们应该去拯救穆斯林女人吗?【33句】

Penamia (Penamia) 译译生辉
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发表于:2014-10-30 15:30 [只看楼主] [划词开启]

Do Muslim Women Need Saving?

我们应该去拯救穆斯林女人吗?【33句】

A moral crusade to rescue oppressed Muslim women from their cultures and their religion has swept the public sphere, dissolving distinctions between conservatives and liberals, sexists and feminists.

由穆斯林国家和地区发起的拯救受压迫的穆斯林女性正义革命运动,已经开始扩散到全球,分解了保守党和自由党的区别,性别歧视者和男女平等主义者的区别。

The crusade has justified all manner of intervention from the legal to the military, the humanitarian to the sartorial.

这场运动,从法律上到军事上,从人道主义到独裁主义,已经证明了所有的介入方式都是正当合法的。

But it has also reduced Muslim women to a stereotyped singularity, plastering a handy cultural icon over much more complicated historical and political dynamics.

但是,这也抹杀了穆斯林女性的多样化,将她们转变成一种固有的奇异之处,减少了该民族的文化重量,该民族拥有着复杂的历史和政治动态。

As an anthropologist who has spent decades doing research on and with women in different communities in theMiddle East, I have found myself increasingly troubled by our obsession with Muslim women.

作为一名数十年研究中东不同群体女性的人类学家,我发觉我被穆斯林女性逐渐出现的问题难倒了。

Ever since 2001, when defending the rights of Muslim women was offered as a rationale for military intervention in Afghanistan, I have been trying to reconcile what I know from experience about individual women’s lives, and what I know as a student of the history of women and of feminism in different parts of the Muslim world, with the stock images of Muslim women that bombard us here in the West.

从2001年至今,当捍卫穆斯林女性运动掀起,而且是作为阿富汗军事干预的理由,我都试图将我所知道的穆斯林世界里的女性生活经历和女学生的历史以及不同方面的女权运动划上等号。而穆斯林女性的照片轰炸着西方的我们。

Over the past decade, from the girls and women like Nujood Ali, whose best-selling memoir I Am Nujood, Age 10 and Divorced was co-written, like so many of the others, by a Western journalist, to Malala Yousafzai, they have been portrayed as victims of the veil, forced marriage, honor crimes or violent abuse.

在过去的十年里,女孩和女人们都很崇拜诺拉蒂·爱莉,类似地,诺拉蒂曾与一个西方新闻记者合作撰写《我叫诺拉蒂,十岁,离异》,这本回忆录成为了最畅销的作品之一。和马拉拉由萨法拉伊一样,她们都是面纱下的受害者,被迫结婚,被名誉残害,或暴力虐待。

They are presented as having a deficit of rights because of Islam.

每当谈到回教女人没有得到相应的权力时,他们总会被提及。

But they don’t always behave the way we expect them to, nor should they.

但是,他们总是不像我们期待的那样去采取行动,他们也不应该那样去采取行动。(好拗口的赶脚)

(MORE: Forbidden to Drive: A Saudi Woman on Life Inside the Kingdom)

(更多详情请见:被禁开车:一个沙特阿拉伯女人在王国境内的生活)

Take the veil, for example.

例如,佩戴面纱。

We were surprised when many women inAfghanistandidn’t take them off after being “liberated,” seeing as they had become such symbols of oppression in the West.

我们都很惊讶阿富汗女人被宣告“解放”后竟然没有摘下面纱,这在西方人看来是压迫的一种象征。

But we were confusing veiling with a lack of agency.

但是,我们更困惑的是没有监督下的面纱行为。

What most of us didn’t know is that 30 years ago the anthropologist Hanna Papanek described the burqa as “portable seclusion” and noted that many women saw it as a liberating invention because it enabled them to move out of segregated living spaces while still observing the requirements of separating and protecting women from unrelated men.

然而,我们大多数人都不知道,30年前人类学家汉娜帕帕内克曾把罩袍描述成“可随处移动的私密空间”,并指出,许多女人把罩袍当成一项个性释放的发明,因为罩袍能为她们摆脱被隔离的生存环境,然而还能帮她们阻挡毫不相关的男人的请求,以及观察。

(后半句不知道这样翻是否正确)

People all over the globe, including Americans, wear the appropriate form of dress for their socially shared standards, religious beliefs and moral ideals.

全世界人民,包括美国人,以他们日常社会生活的标准,宗教的信仰,道德的规范,穿着符合他们形式的裙衫。

If we think thatU.S.women live in a world of choice regarding clothing, we need to look no further than our own codes of dress and the often constricting tyrannies of fashion.(跪求大神指点)

如果我们认为生活在这个世界的美国女人对于衣服有着不同的选择,那么我们只需看看自己的裙子风格和最引以为鉴的时尚指标就知道了。

As for Malala, she was subjected to horrible violence by the Taliban, but education for girls and Islam are not at odds, as was suggested when atheist Sam Harris praised Malala for standing up to the “misogyny of traditional Islam.”

至于马拉拉,她受到塔利班恐怖分子的暴力袭击,但却没有为传播女孩和伊斯兰教徒教育这件事争执过。正如一直被建议的,当无神论者萨姆哈里斯对马拉拉勇敢抵抗“厌恶女人的传统伊斯兰教”的行为大为赞赏。

Across the Muslim world girls have even been going to state schools for generations.

整个穆斯林世界,女孩们甚至一连好几代一起去上公立学校。
(PS:小纠结:是几代人一代接一代上学?还是几代人一起去上学?我的理解是后者)

InPakistan, poverty and political instability undermine girls’ schooling, but also that of boys.

在巴基斯坦,贫穷和政治动荡已经逐步破坏了女孩们的学习生涯了,当然也包括男孩们的。

Yet in urban areas, girls finish high school at rates close to those of young men, and they are only fractionally less likely to pursue higher education.

然而,城市里的女孩完成高中学业的几率跟男孩不相上下,他们只是极少数人会去从事高等教育行业。

In many Arab countries, and inIran, more women are in university than men.

许多阿拉伯国家和伊朗国家,女大学生的人数多于男大学生。

InEgypt, women make up a bigger percentage of engineering and medical faculties than women do in theU.S.

埃及的女性在工程行业和医疗设备行业占绝大多数,甚至多于美国的从事该行业的女性人数。

A language of rights cannot really capture the complications of lives actually lived.

 权利并不能为实际生活的复杂性发声、呐喊。

If we were to consider the quandaries of a young woman in ruralEgyptas she tries to make choices about who to marry or how she will make a good life for her children in trying circumstances, perhaps we would realize that we all work within constraints.

如果我们将能换位思考一下埃及农村女孩的困境,想象一下她努力抉择一位丈夫、如何在这样的环境里为她的后代创造更好的生活,也许我们就会明白,原来我们的工作都是有限制的。

It does not do justice to anyone to view her life only in terms of rights or that loaded term, freedom.

谁都没法去观察她们的生活去判决,唯一可行的就是依据法律或者自由法。

These are not the terms in which we understand our own lives, born into families we did not choose, finding our way into what might fulfill us in life, constrained by failing economies, subject to the consumer capitalism, and making moral mistakes we must live with.

这里不存在任何辅助我们理解人生的条规,我们不能选择在哪个家庭诞生,但我们能找到属于自己的道路充实我们的人生,我们被金融危机驱使着,受消费者资本主义管制着,我们与各种道德错误紧密生存着

(MORE: Brides Before Bombs:NigerianCityFights Terrorism With Mass Weddings)

(更多详情请见:炸弹前的新娘:混乱婚礼中,尼日利亚城市勇站恐怖分子)

There is no doubt that Western notions of human rights can be credited for the hope for a better world for all women.

毋庸置疑,西方人权概念一直被认为是所有女性争取更多权益的希望。

But I suspect that the deep moral conviction people feel about the rightness of saving the women of that timeless homogeneous mythical place called Islamland is fed by something else that cannot be separated from our current geopolitical relations.

(这句我翻得也是醉了)

但我却有点质疑,人们对于将神话中称为永恒的伊斯兰堡中的女人拯救出来的正确性有了更高层次的道德确信,而这种信念与当前的地理政治的关系有密切联系,不断在巩固。

Blinded to the diversity of Muslim women’s lives, we tend to see our own situation too comfortably.

无视穆斯林女人的生存状况,我们越来越容易注意到我们过于舒适的生存环境。

Representing Muslim women as abused makes us forget the violence and oppression in our own midst.

代表被虐待的穆斯林女性会让我们忘记我们之间发生过的暴力和压抑。

Our stereotyping of Muslim women also distracts us from the thornier problem that our own policies and actions in the world help create the (sometimes harsh) conditions in which distant others live.

我们对穆斯林女人的根本印象使我们从荆棘般的问题分心,我们在这个世界的行为方针帮助我们创造一个能够让遥远的异乡人更好生存的环境。

Ultimately, saving Muslim women allows us to ignore the complex entanglements in which we are all implicated and creates a polarization that places feminism only on the side of the West.

最后,拯救穆斯林女人的行动中,我们可以忽视与我们有关联的复杂纠缠,创造一个仅仅属于西方的女权一极化世界。



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